>> Thank you.

>> This week on Inside Wisconsin Politics reporters, take a look back into the political records for Tom Tiffany and David Crowley, and how those records are informing their campaigns today.

>> One thing I remember about Tom Tiffany in this time, Zac, was that he was kind of a details guy.

Like, you know, there were some lawmakers you can go up to and you ask them about their bill.

They say, talk to my staff.

Tom Tiffany knew the bill.

He also was not afraid to mix it up in the legislature with Democrats.

He was not exactly the get along guy that you see in those ads.

>> Not at all.

And I think Tom Tiffany came into office seeking to oust a Democrat in that seat.

He came in, he rode that Tea Party wave.

And then when it was gerrymandered to make his seat safe, that was the beginning of when the Northwoods went from purplish blue to very, very red.

And he represented that district all the way from the Assembly to the state Senate to Congress.

But he did not rule with the idea of, let's find consensus.

The idea of bipartisanship back in the Walker era, from Republican point of view, was if Democrats want to vote for our bill, great.

It's bipartisan.

If you don't, that's fine.

We're going to pass it anyway because we have the numbers.

And that's the way he has legislated all the way through.

Tiffany present himself when he talks about what he's done in the state legislature and in Congress?

>> Yeah, he points to this kind of lengthy record.

But as you say, he is a details guy.

He really has a kind of clear understanding of the types of policies that he would sort of support as governor.

And of course, I have to put on my sort of separation of powers hat and remind people that governors don't enact policy, but you can kind of see like the values that they might espouse from the bully pulpit, for example.

And so he really kind of points to a lot of those victories, especially, I think, on sort of fiscal conservatism and the way that he would be a responsible steward of of state money.

But he also, I think because he does have to appeal to a wider electorate, he is running at a time that Donald Trump is sort of uniquely unpopular.

There was a little bit more kind of modulation on certain points.

So, for example, certain issues, you know, calling for task forces, let's study it more.

So not necessarily taking such a such a fiery approach.

And then certain things like he voted for a much stronger limit on abortion while in Congress.

But he told me that he would support Wisconsin's existing 20 week limit.

So things like that where he's not necessarily kind of as firmly the Northwoods conservative that he always has been, although, of course, that is who he is.

And I don't think he's running away from that either.

>> You did our coverage of David Crowley's record also, and big picture.

When you think about David Crowley, for somebody who's just getting to know him, who is he?

When you look at his record?

earlier, a word that keeps coming up, no matter who I talk to, is just that he's very likable.

And I remember talking to a Republican during the primary who said that he imagined Republicans would be sort of glad to see him as a Democrat.

Of all those Democratic contenders in Madison, because he is willing to make deals, he is willing to negotiate, and he really kind of positions himself as a problem solver.

And so part of what is involved in that, especially if you have divided government, is working with people who don't necessarily see eye to eye with you.

And so that's a big part of kind of what he is running on.

So I mentioned this big deal from a couple of years ago, and without getting too wonky, it was essentially about how much money Madison sends to different communities.

But Milwaukee was like the big bargaining chip in many different ways, right?

Many parts of Wisconsin don't like Milwaukee.

Milwaukee is also the largest kind of like provider of funds to the state.

>> It's easy to run against Milwaukee in a statewide election if you're a Republican.

Republicans to sign off on a tax raise without going to referendum, which they did not initially want to do.

That is a big sort of victory that he can say, look how I can kind of work across the aisle, work across state lines, deliver for Milwaukee, for Milwaukee County, which is more, you know, diverse suburban and urban.

And I can deliver for the state of Wisconsin.

>> Yeah, Zac, I remember when that happened.

I couldn't believe that Republicans kind of went along with letting Milwaukee raise its sales tax.

It had been a priority of the business community there.

So it's not just like Democratic legislators or mayors.

County executives wanted to do it.

Still a big deal.

And kind of his claim to fame in a way.

And yet here we find ourselves in a general election and he has this big tax increase on his record.

And how is that coming out in the campaign?

>> Well, he's definitely not running on the tax increase.

He's running on the bipartisan compromise, whereas the Republicans are attacking him on the tax increase.

And they don't want to talk about the bipartisan compromise.

They don't want to acknowledge the fact that Speaker Robin Vos was the one that helped push this through.

And it was Republican votes in both houses that got it done, because that doesn't fit their campaign against him.

But the only way for David Crowley to do something like that was to engage Republicans and say, what can you get?

What can we get?

What can we accomplish together?

And so it's just a complete contrast between how the two parties had to try and do anything if they wanted to claim a victory in this very partisan era, where Republicans had complete control of the legislature and ultimately complete control over whatever came control over whatever came